Ensuring equitable and quality education is crucial for individual and societal progress. While school enrollment has increased, disparities in educational attainment persist. Cultural capital, encompassing scarce resources that facilitate educational success (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990), is a key factor in understanding these disparities. Unequal access to parental cultural capital leads to academic performance gaps between students from different socioeconomic backgrounds (Bourdieu, 2018a). This study addresses the need to identify strategies preventing the intergenerational transmission of educational inequality and promoting inclusive educational development. While research exists on institutionalised and objectified cultural capital, studies on embodied cultural capital and gender differences among younger students are limited. This research aims to fill this gap by investigating the multifaceted effects of cultural capital on middle school students' academic achievement in China, focusing on the three forms of cultural capital proposed by Bourdieu and exploring potential gender-based variations.

Bourdieu's theory of cultural capital posits that cultural capital exists in three forms: institutionalised (e.g., parental education), objectified (e.g., books, art), and embodied (e.g., cultural activities, dispositions). This theory suggests that upper-class families are more likely to possess and transmit cultural capital, leading to educational advantages (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990; Bourdieu, 2011). DiMaggio (1982, 2019a, 2019b) complements Bourdieu's work by highlighting the potential for upward cultural mobility through active acquisition of highbrow culture, particularly for lower-status individuals. Previous research indicates a positive correlation between cultural capital and educational attainment (Imbulana Arachchi and Managi, 2023; Kingston, 2001; Gaddis, 2013; C. Y. Tan et al. 2019; Jæger, 2011), highlighting the intergenerational transmission of cultural capital. However, there's a lack of research on the specific mechanisms by which cultural capital influences academic achievement (Roksa and Potter, 2011), particularly among middle school students and considering gender differences (Adedeji et al. 2023; Jin et al. 2022). This study aims to address these gaps.

This quantitative study employed a multiple linear regression model to analyze data collected from 1036 seventh to ninth-grade students (491 boys, 545 girls) in four representative middle schools in Beijing, China. Data were collected through paper-based questionnaires administered during the online learning period. The sample schools were selected based on their similar economic and social development levels, teaching quality, scale, and social influence, aiming for representativeness within Beijing's educational landscape. The questionnaires collected data on students' academic performance (Chinese, English, mathematics, and overall scores), parental education levels, household book collections (including English books), individual talents, and participation in various cultural activities (e.g., visiting museums, attending concerts). Five control variables were included: grade level, gender, number of children in the household, household income, and area of residence. The correlation ratio (Eta squared coefficient) was used to assess the correlation between ordinal independent variables and interval dependent variables (academic scores). One-way ANOVA was used to determine the significance of differences among groups, and multiple linear regression analysis was then conducted to evaluate the individual and combined effects of different forms of cultural capital on academic achievement, considering gender as a moderating variable.

The analysis revealed significant relationships between various forms of cultural capital and students' academic achievement. One-way ANOVA showed that all cultural capital variables, except individual talent (in some cases), were significantly correlated with academic performance (Table 3). The correlation ratio analysis (Table 4) indicated varying degrees of correlation, with some aspects of embodied cultural capital showing weaker relationships than institutionalised and objectified capital. Regression analysis (Table 5) demonstrated the following: Institutionalised cultural capital (parental education) had a significant positive effect on overall academic achievement. Fathers' education positively influenced English scores and overall scores for students, and Mothers' education positively influenced Chinese scores and overall scores. Objectified cultural capital (household book collections) had a significant positive effect on all subject scores. Embodied cultural capital (cultural activities) exhibited mixed results; attending concerts positively affected Chinese scores, while overseas travel negatively impacted overall scores. Gender-differentiated effects (Table 6) were significant. Mothers' education levels had a significant positive effect on girls' achievement across all subjects, while fathers' education levels significantly affected boys' English and overall scores. Household book collections positively impacted both boys' and girls' achievement, with family English book collections especially benefitting boys' English scores. Attending science museums positively impacted girls' math and overall scores. Attending concerts positively impacted boys' Chinese scores, while overseas travel negatively impacted boys' overall scores.

The findings support the significance of cultural capital in predicting academic success among Chinese middle school students. The results confirm the influence of both institutionalised and objectified cultural capital, aligning with prior research. However, the mixed effects of embodied cultural capital highlight the complexity of its influence. The gender-based differences reveal that the transmission and impact of cultural capital are not gender-neutral. Parental education has a stronger influence on the achievement of same-sex children. The study reveals that even within the same family structure, different types of cultural capital have variable impacts on different subjects and genders. This emphasizes the need for gender-sensitive interventions and educational strategies. These results contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how cultural capital operates within the Chinese educational context.

This study offers empirical evidence on the multifaceted relationship between family cultural capital and academic achievement among Chinese middle school students, highlighting gender differences. Key contributions include providing empirical data for the Asia-Pacific region, enriching the application of cultural capital theory to family education, and demonstrating the continued relevance of this theory. The findings highlight the need for balanced interventions that address the class gap associated with cultural capital, promote parental involvement, support disadvantaged groups, optimize evaluation methods, and provide tailored education. Future research could expand the sample size, delve deeper into underlying mechanisms, investigate broader subjects, consider urban-rural differences and the role of social capital, and examine the effects of the digital age and AI development on cultural capital.

While this study provides valuable insights, several limitations should be noted. The sample, while representative of Beijing middle schools, may not be fully generalizable to all Chinese middle school students. Future studies should expand the sample size and geographic scope. The focus on family cultural capital excludes other potential influences, such as school-based cultural capital or social capital. Future research should explore these factors more comprehensively. Finally, the study's focus on Chinese, English, and mathematics limits the scope of subject analysis. Future research could examine the impact of cultural capital on a wider range of subjects.