Global warming necessitates drastic reductions in carbon emissions. While national governments and individual citizens struggle to meet these targets, the SSV demonstrates that significant reductions are achievable. This study investigates how the SSV achieves a 60% lower carbon footprint than the national Danish average, while simultaneously exhibiting higher life satisfaction than the national average. It challenges the common focus on individual choices for sustainable behavior change, arguing that the material and social infrastructures within the community play a crucial role. The study aligns with practice theory, emphasizing the interplay between physical infrastructures (material arrangements) and social infrastructures (social, economic, legal, and political arrangements) in shaping daily practices and fostering sustainable lifestyles. This infrastructural approach explains how collective choices, embedded within the SSV's infrastructure, lead to reduced carbon footprints and increased well-being.

Existing research suggests a strong correlation between material consumption and happiness, creating a barrier to behavioral change aimed at reducing consumption. Studies also highlight the difficulties individuals face in making sustainable choices daily. The limitations of solely focusing on individual choices are discussed, emphasizing the significant influence of material infrastructure and the collective/political dimensions of environmental responsibility. The present study contributes to this debate by demonstrating that lower carbon footprints and higher life satisfaction are achievable through collective choices manifested in physical and social infrastructures, contrasting with the assumption that reduced consumption necessarily leads to lower happiness.

This paper employs both quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitative data were collected via an online survey administered to 1018 representative Danes and 258 members of Danish green communities (including 16 SSV residents). The survey measured carbon footprints across four categories: energy, transportation, food, and other consumption, using a standardized method based on self-reported consumption data. The carbon footprint was calculated using data from www.carbonindependent.org and official Danish sources, accounting for energy consumption, transportation modes, dietary habits, and spending on various goods and services. Qualitative data came from participant observation (one author is a long-term resident) and interviews, providing rich contextual information about the SSV's social and physical infrastructures. The research aims to compare the carbon footprint of the SSV residents with that of the general Danish population, using the same methodology for both groups. While acknowledging limitations in relying on self-reported consumption, the consistent methodology allows for a direct comparison. The study specifically focuses on aspects of daily consumption under individual control, excluding the national infrastructure's carbon footprint.

The study found that the SSV residents' average carbon footprint (4.7 tonnes) is 60% below the Danish national average (11.8 tonnes). This difference is statistically significant across all four consumption categories: * **Energy:** SSV residents' energy-related emissions were more than 70% lower than the national average (0.31 tonnes vs. 1.06 tonnes). This is partly due to smaller houses supplemented by a multi-use communal building, and energy-efficient building practices promoted by community bylaws and specialized working groups. * **Food:** The food-related carbon footprint of SSV residents was nearly one-third of the national average (0.58 tonnes vs. 1.59 tonnes). This is a result of reduced meat consumption, increased consumption of locally and self-produced organic food, and a community-run food cooperative. * **Transportation:** SSV residents' transport-related carbon footprint was 70% lower than the national average (2.0 tonnes vs. 6.73 tonnes). This is due to reduced air travel (influenced by social norms and lower income), efficient car usage, and carpooling facilitated by community communication systems. * **Other Consumption:** The carbon footprint for other goods was 26% lower than the national average (1.82 tonnes vs. 2.49 tonnes). This is linked to lower income, a community swap room for used goods, shared household appliances, and a community ethic emphasizing a simple, low-consumption lifestyle. Despite having approximately 40% lower average household income than the national average, SSV residents reported significantly higher life satisfaction (88% very satisfied or satisfied vs. 67% in the general population). This contradicts the expectation that lower income correlates with lower life satisfaction.

The study's findings demonstrate that a significantly lower carbon footprint can coexist with higher life satisfaction. The SSV's success is attributed to its interconnected physical and social infrastructures. The physical infrastructures (communal land, buildings, tools, etc.) facilitate sustainable practices, while the social infrastructures (working groups, decision-making processes, etc.) manage and maintain these physical infrastructures and translate community values into collective action. The interdependence of these infrastructures highlights the importance of collective action and the design of systems that support sustainable choices as default options. The continuous evolution of these infrastructures reflects a dynamic process of dwelling and active engagement with the environment. Specialization within working groups allows for in-depth consideration of sustainability across different aspects of community life, resulting in more effective collective decisions. The explicit focus on sustainability as a community goal shapes infrastructural design and management, leading to a higher degree of success. The results support the degrowth argument, suggesting a more fulfilling life is possible with less consumption and resource exploitation.

The Self-Sustaining Village demonstrates that drastically reduced carbon footprints and heightened life satisfaction can be achieved through carefully designed physical and social infrastructures. The study emphasizes the critical role of collective action and the interconnectedness of physical and social infrastructures in promoting sustainable lifestyles. Future research could explore the scalability and replicability of the SSV model in different contexts and investigate the long-term impacts of these infrastructural approaches on social dynamics and environmental outcomes.

The study relies on self-reported consumption data for calculating carbon footprints, which might introduce biases. The sample size for the SSV is relatively small (16 residents), potentially limiting the generalizability of findings. The study does not directly address causal relationships but focuses on correlations between infrastructures, consumption, and life satisfaction. Further research could use more robust methods to determine causal relationships and improve the generalizability of the findings.