Well-being as a function of person-country fit in human values

The study explores the long-held assumption that congruence between an individual's values and those of their country positively impacts well-being. This assumption is rooted in the idea that shared values foster a sense of belonging, cultural connection, and alignment between personal goals and societal norms. Human values are defined as abstract ideals guiding actions and expressing needs, often categorized using Schwartz's model (ten value types: self-direction, universalism, benevolence, tradition, conformity, security, power, achievement, hedonism, and stimulation). This model predicts a circumplex pattern of correlations between these values, based on motivational compatibilities and conflicts. While prior research has investigated the link between value congruence and well-being, findings have been mixed due to methodological inconsistencies (e.g., objective vs. subjective approaches to congruence, varying sample types, and statistical techniques such as difference scores and profile correlations). The authors highlight the limitations of past methods, specifically criticizing difference scores for ambiguity and profile correlations for masking value-type differences. They propose using polynomial regressions and response surface analysis as superior alternatives for modeling the three-dimensional relationship between personal values, environmental values, and well-being. This approach allows for a more nuanced examination of similarity effects, accounting for linear, quadratic, and interaction effects between personal and national/regional values.

Previous research on the link between person-environment value congruence and well-being has yielded inconsistent results, likely due to methodological variations. Studies have employed different approaches to measuring congruence (objective vs. subjective), sampled diverse populations (students vs. non-students), and utilized contrasting statistical methods (difference scores, profile correlations). Difference scores, which measure the difference between an individual's values and the perceived values of their environment, have been criticized for ambiguity. Profile correlations, on the other hand, correlate the importance an individual places on each value type with the national average, but they mask the specific contributions of individual value types. These limitations prompted the authors to adopt a polynomial regression approach, allowing a more precise and detailed investigation of the relationship between value congruence and well-being.

The study employed data from the sixth wave of the European Social Survey (ESS6), comprising representative samples from 28 European countries and Israel (N = 54,673). The sample included 29,727 women and 24,929 men, with a mean age of 48.31 years. Values were measured using the 21-item Portrait Value Questionnaire, assessing the ten value types in Schwartz's model. Well-being was measured across six dimensions: evaluative well-being (life satisfaction and happiness), emotional well-being (positive and negative feelings), functioning (self-esteem, autonomy, optimism), vitality (energy levels, sleep quality), community well-being (closeness and trust), and supportive relationships (appreciation and support). The researchers employed multilevel polynomial regression analysis, controlling for country/region-level sample size and individual-level age, gender, and other relevant factors. This approach allowed for the examination of the linear and quadratic effects of personal values, environmental values, and their interaction (value congruence). Response surface plots visualized the three-dimensional relationships between personal values, national/regional values, and well-being for specific value types. The study also explored both person-country and person-region fits, comparing well-being outcomes based on the level of agreement between the individual’s values and those of their country or region. Curvilinear relationships between values and well-being were investigated. The data was T-transformed to facilitate comparisons and interpretation of effect sizes. The researchers conducted several sensitivity analyses to ensure the robustness of their findings.

The multilevel polynomial regression analyses revealed significant interactions between individual and country/region level values on well-being, varying across different value types. For security, achievement, and power values, positive interactions were observed, indicating that higher congruence with national/regional values was associated with higher well-being. In contrast, negative interactions were found for self-direction, stimulation, and hedonism values, meaning greater congruence was linked to lower well-being. Benevolence showed the least consistent effects across well-being dimensions. Response surface plots illustrated these interactions. For instance, high congruence in security values was associated with higher evaluative well-being, while high congruence in stimulation values was linked to lower evaluative well-being. The person-region fit replicated the patterns found in the person-country fit analysis, suggesting that social/physical proximity (at the level of country or region) did not significantly alter the relationship between value congruence and well-being. Further investigation revealed a curvilinear relationship between stimulation values and well-being, with moderate endorsement of stimulation associated with higher well-being than very high or very low endorsement. The study found that congruence effects were most consistent for values with a personal focus (self-direction, stimulation, hedonism, achievement, power, security).

The study's findings demonstrate that the relationship between value congruence and well-being is complex and moderated by value type. The positive association between congruence and well-being for security, achievement, and power values aligns with the idea that individuals' needs are better met when their values are shared by others. Conversely, the negative association for self-direction, stimulation, and hedonism might be explained by the motivational opposition within Schwartz's model; individuals high in openness values may prefer less similarity to those around them. The less consistent patterns observed for universalism, benevolence, tradition, and conformity values might be attributed to factors such as ceiling effects, lower variance in these values, and the indirect nature of their effects on well-being. The high similarity of values across the European countries examined in the study may explain the similar patterns found in both person-country and person-region analyses. Individual differences in national identification and the processes generating value congruence (situation perception, selection, adaptation) may also play a role. The curvilinear relationship with stimulation suggests an optimal level of stimulation for well-being.

This research demonstrates a nuanced relationship between person-society value congruence and well-being, highlighting the importance of considering value type. The findings challenge simplistic assumptions about direct links between value congruence and well-being and emphasize the need for more complex models. Future research could explore the roles of national identification, value congruence formation processes, and cross-cultural variations in value importance and their effects on well-being.

The study's focus on European countries and regions limits the generalizability of its findings to other cultural contexts. The use of self-reported data introduces potential biases. Further research should explore the role of other factors (e.g., national identification) in moderating the relationship between value congruence and well-being. The specific measures of well-being used may not fully capture the complexity of this construct across diverse populations. The relatively high similarity in values across the European countries studied might have limited the detection of substantial differences in the effects of value congruence.