Social identity development in transnational marriages of international students in China

Due to its open-door policy, China has become a major stakeholder in the international market, attracting many foreign traders (Lan, 2015; Sha, 2019). This unique scenario has sparked intense discussions regarding the interactions between Chinese people and foreigners in Chinese society. Sociological debates focus on the extent of foreigners' social integration into Chinese society, their ability to access mainstream society, and their potential for forming new social connections within the host environment. Essentially, the impact of migration on China's internal structure is a subject of close examination. Within the Chinese context, more specific questions arise: Do foreigners successfully integrate into Chinese society? Do they gain access to mainstream society, or do they tend to establish their parallel communities within the host country? In other words, is social cohesion likely to persist, or is it at risk? Consequently, an ongoing discussion revolves around migrants and their impact on various societal facets, encompassing the job market, education, health, housing, recreation, and social networks. Transnational marriages also assume a pivotal role in these discussions, often sparking debate about whether migrants marry individuals from the host country. The answer to this question holds significant weight, serving as a standard for evaluating integration (Beck-Gernsheim, 2007).

Existing literature often highlights cases of Chinese women marrying men from Western countries or advanced Asian economies such as South Korea or Japan, with many subsequently relocating to their husbands' home countries (Constable, 2005; Oxfeld, 2005). However, given the rapid growth of the Chinese economy in recent decades, scholars have observed a notable trend: an increasing number of foreign spouses are now choosing to move to China to live with their Chinese wives (Farrer, 2008; Lan, 2015). This shift represents a noteworthy change in the dynamics of transnational marriages involving China.

Although extensive research has focused on the marriages and relationships of foreign traders in various Chinese cities, there exists a gap in migration literature concerning the interpersonal relationships and transnational marriages between international students studying in China and Chinese locals. The primary inquiry surrounding this phenomenon is, 'What sets apart these types of marriages involving international students from other marriages involving foreign traders?' Therefore, this article aims to uncover a relatively unexplored aspect of transnational marriages in China by examining the lived experiences of international students, addressing this unique gap in the research.

Historically, cross-cultural marriages have served pivotal roles in various spheres, notably in establishing trading networks, fostering cultural exchanges, and promoting religious beliefs (Bulliet et al., 2018: 384; Falola and Usman, 2009: 272; Kayadibi, 2011: 6; Lapidus, 2014: 432; Sen, 2009: 158). They have also been implicated in contributing to colonial expansion (Ipsen, 2015; Lansing, 2000). However, the scarcity of archival material has limited insights within historical literature into the real-life experiences of individuals living within cross-cultural family structures within trading networks (Ipsen, 2015: 12; Marsden and Ibañez-Tirado, 2015: 147). Aligning with historical trends, researchers have spotlighted the active role of cross-cultural unions in trade network dynamics. They highlight the importance of resource exchange within these intimate relationships, highlighting the mutual benefits of couples' cultural, economic, and social resources (Farrer, 2008; Marsden and Ibañez-Tirado, 2015). This emphasis sheds light on the reciprocal advantages arising from such unions.

Previous studies on transnational marriages often concentrated on Chinese women marrying foreigners primarily for migration purposes (Clark, 2001; Constable, 2003; Ma et al., 2010). However, new avenues for international migration studies have emerged with China's emergence as a significant player in the global economic market. The substantial growth of the Chinese economy has notably attracted international traders seeking to establish businesses in China and form family ties with Chinese women (Lan, 2015; Sha, 2019). Consequently, more Western men aspire to reside in Shanghai with their Chinese wives while maintaining professional engagements (Farrer, 2008).

Trading hubs such as Guangzhou and Yiwu have become significant focal points for this collaborative endeavor. Yiwu has officially become an international trading city in Zhejiang Province (Guozhu & Raja, 2022). These locations, particularly since 2000, amidst the increased trade between China and countries in Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East, have attracted thousands of predominantly male traders to China. Many of these traders choose to marry Chinese women and establish families in these cities (Lan, 2015; Ma, 2012; Methews et al., 2017; Zhou, 2017). Research has revealed that transnational marriages in China often exhibit a power imbalance, with the Chinese spouse holding greater economic and social influence than the foreign spouse (Lan, 2015). This power disparity can lead to conflicts and tensions within the relationship. However, despite these challenges, many transnational marriages in China proved successful and enduring as couples navigate their difficulties and construct strong, affectionate relationships (Farrer, 2008).

Guangzhou, the capital city of Guangdong province, has observed a surge in transnational marriages between Chinese and foreigners (Marsh, 2014; Lan, 2015). Specifically, marriages between Chinese women and African traders are increasingly prevalent. These African traders often engage in small-scale entrepreneurship and operate within the informal economic sector (Mathews & Yang, 2012). Studies focusing on marriages between Chinese women and African traders in Guangzhou have shed light on the challenging and precarious nature of married life for these couples. Factors such as visa policies and institutional barriers often compel them to make difficult choices, including relocation to their husband's country or enduring prolonged periods of separation (Castillo, 2016; Lan, 2015; Zhou, 2017). Moreover, cultural and religious differences and prevalent stereotypes further contribute to tensions within these relationships (Mathews et al., 2017; Zhou, 2017).

The literature cited above highlights the impact of transnational marriages in establishing business connections, trading networks, facilitating immigration, and fostering cross-cultural understanding in China (Sha, 2019). In contrast to most existing studies that primarily examine legal and cultural factors influencing transnational family strategies, especially among foreign traders in China, this article takes a unique approach by exploring the subject from the perspective of encounters between international students and Chinese individuals during their academic tenure. By examining the emerging phenomenon of transnational marriages among international students in China and their Chinese partners, this article aims to contribute to broader sociological scholarship concerning the role of social identity change. It aims to provide insights into how social identities can transform within the context of cross-cultural unions in the Chinese setting.

As an international student, the first author built connections with participants via dinners and family events (birthdays, anniversaries, religious festivals such as Eid and Christmas). The study employed participant observation as the primary method, in-depth unstructured interviews as a secondary tool, and digital ethnography via WeChat to observe online social interactions. Purposive and snowball sampling were used to recruit 15 international students and their Chinese spouses. Participants were international students at Chinese institutions, recent graduates pursuing postgraduate studies, or engaging in business in China; none were of Chinese ethnicity. Researchers were fluent in Chinese for daily communication; interviews were conducted in English. Interviews were scheduled per availability across October–December 2017, February 2018, October 2018, and November–December 2022; each couple interview lasted around one hour and was documented via note-taking. Informal interview data were analyzed to identify five major themes. Each participant was assigned an identifier (IS-1 to IS-15) to ensure privacy. A descriptive table summarizes participant demographics (age, gender, nationality, first arrival in China, year of marriage, children, and current status).

• Sample and themes: Based on participant observation, digital ethnography, and unstructured interviews with 15 heterosexual international student–Chinese couples, five main themes emerged: motivation for marriage; adopting religion; transnational marriage as identity gain; communication and communication competence; and future aspirations.
• Motivation: International students initially focused on academics; friendships with Chinese peers on campus deepened and often evolved into romantic relationships that culminated in marriage. Education level of both partners facilitated parental approval and trust.
• Religion: Of 15 international students, 9 reported religious beliefs (e.g., Islam, Christianity); in these cases, Chinese spouses adopted the partner’s religion. Among the remaining 6 without religious beliefs, there was no religious adoption. Chinese spouses frequently complied with religious practices (e.g., halal diet, dress codes) and participated in religious activities (e.g., mosque weddings, Friday prayers, church attendance).
• Identity gain and social networks: Marriage expanded both partners’ social networks, integrating them into multiple groups (local host networks, international circles, and family). These new memberships enhanced well-being, facilitated cultural learning, and supported practical benefits such as business and employment opportunities. Several participants leveraged spouses’ local networks for entrepreneurship (e.g., attendance at Canton Fair, translation volunteering, business deals in Guangzhou). During pandemic-era mobility restrictions, participants reported fewer barriers, attributing flexibility to having a Chinese spouse.
• Communication competence: Couples commonly used Chinese and English, switching contextually; some dialect barriers persisted with in-laws, with spouses acting as translators. Chinese spouses improved English proficiency post-marriage; some couples functioned multilingually (e.g., Chinese, Arabic, English; children acquiring multiple languages at home).
• Future aspirations: Many planned to remain in China for a limited period (often about 5–10 years) for study/work/business, with long-term settlement constrained by lack of pathways to citizenship/permanent residence. Others in cities like Guangzhou/Shenzhen aimed to stay longer for business and children’s education. Overall, policy barriers shaped settlement intentions.
• Overall: Transnational marriages fostered tolerance, mutual understanding, flexible family relations, identity gain through new group memberships, and practical integration benefits in the host society.

The study frames international students’ transition and adaptation in China through social identity theory and the Social Identity Model of Identity Change (SIMIC), emphasizing identity gain via new group memberships. Findings contrast earlier literature that portrayed transnational marriages—especially involving traders—as precarious and stigmatized; here, highly educated international students experienced greater familial acceptance, with education facilitating trust. Consistent with prior work, Chinese spouses often adopted partners’ religions, reinforcing bonds. Expanded social networks across local, co-national, and international groups provided belonging, supported adaptation, and generated practical advantages (employment/business). Multilingual competence and cross-cultural interactions enhanced integration and multicultural behaviors. However, structural constraints—particularly the lack of permanent residence/citizenship—limit long-term integration and can threaten social identity continuity despite identity gains.

Marriages between international students and Chinese partners offer an underexplored lens on transnational unions in China. These relationships provide avenues for learning about Chinese culture, language, and society while generating practical opportunities in employment and entrepreneurship. As international student numbers grow, such marriages may become more common and help bridge cultural divides, fostering mutual understanding and the emergence of new social identities. Challenges remain—language and cultural barriers, legal status/citizenship constraints, and potential long-distance arrangements—but effective communication and understanding can enable mutual growth. Identity gain in these families should be viewed as a source of understanding, tolerance, and compromise, enriching social bonds and openness to cross-cultural influence; for individuals and families, choices about residence and mobility form part of an ongoing identity process oriented toward well-being.

Findings are based on a small, specialized sample (15 couples), limiting generalizability. Recruiting was challenging due to the niche population, and access to official statistics on marriages between international students and Chinese nationals was restricted. Future research should employ larger samples and examine issues such as permanent residency pathways, employment and business opportunities, and children’s prospects.