Global governance and the Global Green New Deal: the G7's role

The Global Green New Deal (GGND), initially conceived in response to the Global Financial Crisis, has evolved into a nascent norm bundle aiming to decarbonize and develop economies through domestic and international coordination. The paper challenges the prevailing consensus that the world missed the opportunity for a green recovery post-COVID-19, arguing that the GGND's influence is already at play. To understand this, the study adopts a global governance perspective and a practice-relationist approach. This approach examines the GGND as a policy notion, an empirical condition (analyzing stimulus spending), and an analytical tool (through the lens of G7 norm entrepreneurship). The research aims to identify emerging trends in GGND norm entrepreneurship within PSIs and pinpoint opportunities and barriers for broader norm diffusion.

The paper reviews existing literature on the GGND, global governance post-COVID-19, and norm development. It highlights the conceptual fuzziness surrounding global governance and the increasing role of 'global society' in norm creation. The study cites the work of Barnett and Sikkink on global society and norm creation, Hofferberth on the conceptual ambiguity of global governance, and Finnemore and Sikkink on the norm lifecycle (emergence, cascade, internationalization). It also incorporates Bloomfield and Scott's concept of 'norm antipreneurs' to provide a balanced assessment of norm generation, acknowledging actors who resist normative change. The paper further examines the unique characteristics of PSIs, their informal structures, and the complex dynamics of their member states' interests, potentially leading to 'governance gaps'.

The study employs a practice-relationist methodology. It analyzes the GGND as a policy notion by exploring its normative evolution, as an empirical condition by aggregating publicly available stimulus spending data from the Global Recovery Observatory (GRO), and as an analytical tool through the examination of G7 norm entrepreneurship. The GRO data, the most comprehensive database of state stimulus measures, is used to categorize stimulus spending as 'clean' or 'dirty' based on its environmental impact. The analysis aggregates data for the G7, G20, and BRICS, allowing for a comparison of their green recovery practices. A relationist framework assesses this practice against the potential norm entrepreneurship of the G7, both individually and collectively. This dual approach allows for a deeper contextualization of norm entrepreneurship within global governance.

Analysis of the GRO data reveals that all three PSIs (G7, G20, and BRICS) funded proportionally more clean than dirty stimulus in response to COVID-19. However, the G7 showed a significantly higher proportion of clean stimulus compared to the G20 and BRICS. The G7 consistently implemented a higher proportion of clean measures (approximately 3:1 ratio of clean to dirty). The G20 demonstrated greater heterogeneity, with some members (e.g., Russia, Indonesia) implementing zero clean archetypes, while others (e.g., the European Union) showed a much higher proportion of clean measures. The BRICS also funded more clean than dirty stimulus, despite Russia's lack of clean measures. The study notes the significant influence of the European Union on the G20's overall proportion of clean stimulus. The data also show that the process of stimulus package design and implementation is ongoing and that the figures represent a snapshot rather than a complete picture. Limitations of the data include the exclusion of certain stimulus measures (e.g., those from international institutions) and the incomplete nature of some stimulus packages.

The findings suggest that the G7 is a leading actor in advancing the GGND through its practice. Their high proportion of clean stimulus and collective commitment to a green recovery reflect a normative consensus to 'build back better.' The study analyzes the G7's role through both internal and external relationality, examining domestic policies and international initiatives like the 'Build Back Better World' (B3W) partnership. The B3W plan, with its focus on clean growth, signifies the G7's intention to act as norm entrepreneurs. However, the nascent nature of this entrepreneurship is emphasized, along with the need for addressing the ongoing challenges of congruency of practice, local adaptation, and barriers to diffusion. The divergence in clean stimulus between PSIs highlights the risk of the GGND being perceived as applicable only to developed nations. The paper also points out the considerable work remaining for norm entrepreneurs to further diffuse the GGND and overcome existing challenges.

The paper concludes that the G7 shows promise as a norm entrepreneur for the GGND, a role consistent with its history of climate leadership. The research underscores the GGND's dynamic nature and the need for further analysis to understand the complex interplay between the GGND, global governance, and PSIs, especially considering the heterogeneous impacts of COVID-19 and climate change. Future research could explore how the constitution of practices shapes PSI identities and how the GGND, with its domestic and international dimensions, can achieve its global potential.

The study acknowledges limitations in its analysis. The GRO data, while comprehensive, is still under development and may not capture all stimulus measures. The focus on the direct proportion of clean to dirty stimulus may oversimplify a complex policy matrix. The exclusion of stimulus from international organizations and the evolving nature of stimulus packages are also limitations affecting the study's interpretation.