Connecting gender role attitudes among China's youth to perceptions of the state: a bottom-up approach

The study investigates how gender role attitudes among Chinese youth (18–35) relate to perceptions of the state, addressing a gap in predominantly top-down analyses of China’s gender-state dynamics. Rooted in China’s Confucian legacy and the state’s post-socialist revitalization of traditional norms, the research asks three questions: (1) Are gender role attitudes influenced by system justification beliefs? (2) Are they influenced by the extent to which youth value Chinese national identity? (3) Are they influenced by life satisfaction? Focusing on youth is vital because they are forming beliefs and often drive social change, while having been exposed to prolonged top-down traditionalist education. The study aims to develop a comprehensive measure of gender role attitudes suitable to the Chinese context and to examine psycho-political antecedents (system justification, national identification, life satisfaction) that may shape these attitudes, thereby clarifying the bottom-up dimension of gender-state interplay in contemporary China.

Prior research on gender and the state in China largely takes a top-down view, emphasizing how state policies (e.g., birth planning) and the resurgence of Confucianism shape gender inequality. Bottom-up studies are fewer, though some compare regions (e.g., Taiwan vs mainland) and focus on women’s education/marital roles and youth. Findings include: higher education relates to more egalitarian attitudes (especially for women); marital quality relates to traditional breadwinner norms; mothers’ traditional attitudes affect aspirations for daughters; and youth exhibit complex, domain-specific ideologies (e.g., egalitarian in family, essentialist at work). Three gaps remain: (1) limited bottom-up examination incorporating public opinion, especially youth; (2) survey-based studies often omit political ideation, despite state influence on gender norms; (3) common international measures (e.g., WVS/EVS) omit culturally salient Chinese dimensions like marriage and fertility. The current study addresses these gaps by creating an expanded, operational scale for gender role attitudes in China and testing the role of system justification, national identification, and life satisfaction in shaping youth attitudes.

Design and participants: An online survey of Chinese citizens was conducted via Wenjuanxing (Oct–Nov 2019). Of 1200 initially recruited with quotas on age, gender, and education, 932 remained after excluding ineligible, duplicates, and speeders (<180 s). Restricting to ages 18–35 yielded N=885 (Male 59.9%, Female 40.1%; Age 18–25: 90.1%, 26–35: 9.9%; Education: junior secondary or below 9.0%, high school 18.6%, bachelor’s 58.8%, master’s+ 13.6%). Participants received 6 RMB. Sampling was non-random. Measures: (1) Gender egalitarianism (gender role attitudes) operationalized with four indicators: male priority (“men have more right to a job than women”), child suffering (“a preschool child is likely to suffer if his or her mother works”), gender ideology (combining ‘home and children’ and ‘housewife’ essentialist items), and a newly added culture-specific marriage and fertility indicator (e.g., “A female is a failure if she is over 27 years old but does not have a husband or boyfriend”). Items were rated on 1–7 scales, with indicator scores computed as means. (2) System justification: brief Kay & Jost SJS with two China-specific efficiency items (e.g., fairness of society; polity operates as it should; living standard rise attributed to CPC/government). 1–7 scale; higher = greater system justification (M=4.75, SD=1.04, α=0.89). (3) National identification: adapted National Identification Scale (e.g., “Being Chinese is very important to me”), 1–7; higher = stronger identification (M=5.63, SD=1.17, α=0.84). (4) Life satisfaction: Satisfaction with Life Scale, 1–7; higher = greater satisfaction (M=3.92, SD=1.23, α=0.84). Demographics: sex, age, education. Analytic strategy: Exploratory factor analysis (principal components) on the four gender role indicators to test a common factor; KMO and Bartlett’s test assessed adequacy. Bivariate correlations examined associations among variables. Multiple OLS regression (with intercept) predicted gender egalitarianism from system justification, national identification, life satisfaction, gender, age, and education. Ethical approval was obtained; informed consent was secured online; anonymity preserved.

- Factor structure: EFA supported a single common factor underlying the four indicators (male priority, child suffering, gender ideology, marriage and fertility). KMO=0.81; Bartlett’s χ²(6)=1817.31, p<0.001. One dominant factor (reported eigenvalue=4.47) explained 72.30% of variance. All indicators loaded on the factor (reported loadings approximately 0.45–0.55). Composite reliability was high (Cronbach’s α=0.87). - Descriptive means (N=885): Gender egalitarianism M=5.29 (SD=1.05), System justification M=4.75 (SD=1.04), Life satisfaction M=3.92 (SD=1.23), National identification M=5.63 (SD=1.17). - Bivariate correlations: Greater gender egalitarianism was associated with lower system justification, lower national identification, and lower life satisfaction. Demographically, more egalitarian attitudes were observed among females, younger participants, and those with higher education. - Regression results (OLS): Overall model significant, F(6,878)=58.01, p<0.001. Coefficients: System justification β=0.12, SE=0.04, t=2.80, p=0.005 (significant effect); Life satisfaction β=−0.11, SE=0.03, t=−4.21, p<0.001; National identification β=0.03, SE=0.03, t=0.81, p=0.416 (ns); Gender β=−0.96, SE=0.07, t=−14.57, p<0.001 (females more egalitarian); Age β=−0.03, SE=0.01, t=−2.28, p=0.023 (younger more egalitarian); Education β=−0.02, SE=0.07, t=−0.29, p=0.773 (ns). Intercept=7.24, SE=0.34, t=21.39, p<0.001. - Substantive interpretation: Youth with less egalitarian gender attitudes tend to justify the existing socio-political system and show stronger national identification; youth with more egalitarian attitudes report lower life satisfaction.

Findings address all three research questions. First, less gender-egalitarian attitudes align with stronger system-justifying beliefs, consistent with the state’s role in shaping gender norms via Confucian revival and policy messaging; support for the system coincides with support for traditional gender arrangements. Second, less egalitarian attitudes are associated with stronger national identification, reflecting the cultural framing of the nation as a patriarchal ‘big family’ and the influence of media and education promoting collectivism and stability. Third, more egalitarian attitudes correlate with lower life satisfaction, possibly because egalitarian youth perceive and are affected by ongoing inequalities (e.g., double burden, pay gaps, legacy of birth control policies) in a socio-political environment that reinforces traditional norms. The validated unidimensional measure integrates male priority, child suffering, gender ideology, and marriage/fertility, capturing China-specific gender discourse that bridges private (nei) and public (wai) spheres. Demographic patterns (women, younger participants more egalitarian) align with broader trends in education and social change. Together, results highlight a tight linkage between family and nation discourses and show that bottom-up attitudes among youth resonate with top-down gender-state dynamics.

This study develops and validates a refined, culturally grounded measure of gender role attitudes for the Chinese context, demonstrating that four indicators—male priority, child suffering, gender ideology, and marriage and fertility—form a single factor of gender egalitarianism. It further shows that youth gender attitudes are intertwined with psycho-political orientations: system justification and national identification align with less egalitarian views, while more egalitarian views are associated with lower life satisfaction. The results underscore the interconnected construction of family and nation in China and offer an instrument for future empirical research. Policy-wise, balancing growing egalitarian opinions with unequal gender policies may be necessary to avoid alienating egalitarian youth. Future research should broaden antecedents to include additional political, social, cultural, and ideological factors; test the scale across age cohorts and regions; employ probability or mixed-mode samples; and consider longitudinal or experimental designs to assess causality and change over time.

- Sampling and generalizability: Non-random online panel via Wenjuanxing; sample heavily concentrated in ages 18–25 and relatively well educated (over half bachelor’s+), limiting representativeness and cross-age comparisons. - Measurement context: Potential social desirability and self-censorship may bias responses despite anonymity. - Cross-sectional design: Cannot infer causality between psycho-political variables and gender attitudes. - Platform and incentive effects: Online mode and small monetary incentives may influence participation and response patterns. - Regional and cultural specificity: The added marriage/fertility indicator is context-specific; replication in diverse Chinese subpopulations and over time is warranted.