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North Korea's 'New DPRK' YouTube channel: new public diplomacy attempt or international propaganda? A case study

Political Science

North Korea's 'New DPRK' YouTube channel: new public diplomacy attempt or international propaganda? A case study

I. Goldman

This research by Iván Goldman examines the content of North Korea's 'New DPRK' YouTube channel, shedding light on its significance as either public diplomacy or international propaganda. Discover how 96 videos were analyzed through crucial frameworks of public diplomacy and soft power to draw compelling conclusions about their underlying intentions.

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Playback language: English
Introduction
North Korea's use of social media, particularly YouTube, represents a new avenue in its diplomatic strategy. This study focuses on the 'New DPRK' YouTube channel, examining its videos to determine whether they constitute public diplomacy or propaganda. The research is significant because it explores an understudied aspect of North Korean diplomacy and its engagement with the digital sphere. The channel's subsequent removal from YouTube due to terms of service violations highlights the challenges of studying this area, necessitating the creation of video archives for future research. The study aims to analyze the channel's content to determine if its strategy aligns with traditional public diplomacy definitions or if it functions primarily as a propaganda tool. It will also explore the relevance of the 'New DPRK' experience to ongoing debates in the field of public diplomacy, specifically concerning the digital realm and social media's impact.
Literature Review
The study draws upon Joseph Nye Jr.'s definitions of public diplomacy and soft power, emphasizing the role of culture, political values, and foreign policies in shaping a country's image. However, the study notes that Nye's framework may prove insufficient in analyzing the 'New DPRK' case. The research also considers works on the digitalization of public diplomacy, the impact of technology on traditional public diplomacy, definitional clarity in the digital context, and the influence of social media algorithms on state-produced content. Key works cited include those by Manor and Huang (2020) on the digitalization of public diplomacy, Manor and Pamment (2024) on the changing power dynamics in digital diplomacy, and Surowiec-Capell (2024) on the evolving relationship between propaganda and public diplomacy in hybrid media landscapes. The literature also highlights the inherent challenges in collecting unbiased information regarding North Korea and the complexities of measuring the effectiveness of public diplomacy efforts, particularly concerning the influence of audience perception.
Methodology
The study analyzed 96 videos from the 'New DPRK' YouTube channel, published between November 10, 2019, and May 30, 2022. Data was collected using Amnesty International's 'YouTube DataViewer' tool. Videos were categorized across twelve dimensions including language, subtitles, use of tags, topics, presence of soft power resources, addressing of high politics issues, and presence of North Korean leaders and ideological symbols. Automated and professional translation services were used to ensure accurate translation of non-English content. The theoretical framework draws heavily on Joseph Nye Jr.'s work on soft power and public diplomacy, examining the three resources—culture, political values, and foreign policies—that contribute to a nation's soft power. The study also incorporates insights from other scholars on digital public diplomacy and the impact of technology on diplomatic communication.
Key Findings
The analysis revealed several key findings. First, the videos predominantly featured Korean audio, with English and Chinese subtitles indicating a focus on international audiences, particularly those in China. While a significant number of videos lacked tags, those that did utilized terms like 'North Korea,' 'DPRK,' and 'Pyongyang,' suggesting an attempt to improve search engine optimization and visibility. Topic-wise, videos focused on everyday life, culture, commercial promotion, education, sports, tourism and celebrations. Notably, videos avoided addressing high politics issues such as armed conflict, relations with other countries, or nuclear weapons, except in a few instances (2.88%). The application of Nye's soft power framework revealed that a substantial portion of videos (22.12%) failed to incorporate any of the three soft power resources, suggesting a possible ineffectiveness in applying this approach or a focus on propaganda rather than diplomacy. The study also found a significant absence of direct mention of North Korean leaders (47.12%), although their imagery frequently appeared within videos. Ideology or party symbology was largely absent (86.54%). These findings suggest a strategic avoidance of controversial topics to appeal to a wider audience, potentially minimizing negative perceptions.
Discussion
The findings raise questions regarding the nature of North Korea's approach to online diplomacy. The emphasis on cultural and lifestyle elements suggests a focus on shaping perceptions of everyday life, while avoiding potentially sensitive political discussions. The absence of interactive elements, such as comments sections, likely limits the channel's capacity to function as genuine public diplomacy. The study argues that the limited interaction and focus on a positive, curated image, despite occasional mentions of high politics issues, suggests that the 'New DPRK' channel functioned more as a propaganda tool than a genuine attempt at public diplomacy. This lack of interactivity contradicts contemporary approaches to public diplomacy that emphasize dialogue and two-way communication. The study suggests that North Korea's approach reflects internal power structures and a limited understanding of the potential of digital tools in public diplomacy, thereby hindering the effectiveness of their efforts.
Conclusion
The study concludes that the 'New DPRK' YouTube channel, while displaying some features of public diplomacy, ultimately functioned more as a propaganda vehicle. Its limited interactivity, strategic avoidance of contentious topics, and selective presentation of North Korean society limited its effectiveness as a genuine public diplomacy tool. The lack of engagement with audience comments suggests a preference for one-way communication, and the occasional inclusion of high-politics topics did not necessarily alter this propagandistic approach. Further research should explore similar North Korean online initiatives and analyze how effectively these efforts adapt to changing public diplomacy theoretical frameworks.
Limitations
The study's primary limitation stems from the channel's removal from YouTube. The analysis is restricted to the data available before its takedown. Further, interpreting the intent behind the videos is challenging, requiring careful consideration of the North Korean context and government objectives. While the study aimed to be objective, inherent biases in the channel's content and the difficulty in obtaining fully unbiased information about North Korea must be acknowledged.
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