Media portrayal of old age and its effects on attitudes in older people: findings from a series of studies

The study examines how mass media portrayals of old age shape both public stereotypes and individuals’ self-perceptions of aging, focusing on older audiences. Prior work has largely analyzed media content and inferred effects, leaving a gap in empirical evidence on how portrayals influence recipients, especially older people, whose public image (external view of aging and associated role expectations) and self-image (subjective experience of aging and projected personal aging) may respond differently. In the context of significant demographic change in Germany, where the population is aging rapidly, the research investigates whether exposure to prototypical media frames of old age changes attitudes toward old age (public image) and toward one’s own aging (self-image). The research questions are: How do older people react to media portrayals of old age? How do prototypical frames affect public-image and self-image indicators? The study uses framing theory to operationalize media images as patterns of portrayal emphasizing specific aspects of old age that cue particular stereotypes for recipients.

Media shape public images of aging by selecting and emphasizing certain aspects, creating polarized portrayals (e.g., decline vs opportunity). Prior research has focused on content analysis (e.g., Kessler and colleagues; Zhang et al.) rather than recipient effects. Several socio-psychological theories offer competing predictions about effects on older recipients: (1) Terror management theory: frailty and mortality cues are threatening; (2) Internalization hypothesis and ageism postulate: negative age stereotypes may be internalized, harming self-concept and health; (3) Resilience theory: older adults may resist incorporating negative stereotypes to protect self-concept; (4) Comparative hypothesis/social comparison theory: recipients perform downward comparison to negative portrayals (potentially boosting self-esteem) and upward comparison to positive portrayals (potentially undermining self-esteem); (5) Reinforcer hypothesis: pre-existing self-image moderates reception and effects. Empirical precedents include Pinquart (2002), showing improved self-assessment but worsened general assessments after negative information, and Mares & Cantor (1992), showing strategic upward/downward comparisons with televised older characters.

Design: Mixed-methods, multi-part study comprising (1) a preliminary qualitative content analysis to derive prototypical media frames of old age; (2) a quasi-experimental, written pre–post survey (2020) with older adults exposed to one of three frame stimuli; and (3) a qualitative focused-interview study (2021) to corroborate and deepen findings. Preliminary content analysis (2020): - Corpus: German-language news magazines (Spiegel, Stern, Focus) via LexisNexis, 1/1/1999–12/31/2019; articles ≥500 words with a primary focus on old age. - Method: Qualitative content analysis (Mayring). Developed category system including topic, activity/passivity, number and environment of older people, gender, social class, intergenerational relations, intra-older relations, and roles. - Outcome: Identification of three recurring frames used as stimuli: 1) Age as decline (negative; care, illness/death; older adults passive, dependent) 2) Age as a (super) power (negative; political/economic influence; conflict with youth) 3) Age as a new dawn (positive; health/fitness/consumption; active, independent) - Stimulus preparation: Selected most typical articles per frame; edited to ≤400 words, preserving core statements; pretested. Quasi-experimental survey (2020): - Participants: N=910 (43 incomplete excluded), ages 60–94 (mean 72, median 71, SD 7.6); 47% male, 53% female; 94% German nationality. Living situation: 79% own home, 12% retirement/care home; household size: 25% alone, 69% two people. Education: 13% lower secondary, 18% upper secondary, 8% high school, 28% university degree, 33% professional qualification. - Recruitment: Senior/pensioners’ associations in North Rhine-Westphalia, Hesse, Rhineland-Palatinate; informed consent; experimenter-led administration; research purpose revealed only after completion to prevent bias. - Design: Three experimental groups of similar age/gender distribution; each received one frame (independent variable) embedded mid-questionnaire. Pre–post measures of self-image and public image of old age (dependent variables) using selected items from the German Aging Survey. Also measured received image (perception/assessment of portrayal) and reception conditions plus sociodemographics (moderators). - Analysis: Descriptive statistics and paired-sample t-tests (p<0.001 threshold); effect sizes via Cohen’s d. Qualitative focused interviews (2021): - Participants: N=36 older adults, ages 60–90; 17 male, 19 female; 30 German nationality, 6 other; living situation: 26 own apartment, 7 retirement/care home; household: 13 alone, 21 two people, 2 >2; education: 6 lower secondary, 7 upper secondary, 5 high school, 9 university, 9 professional qualification. Purposive sampling to mirror survey breadth. - Procedure: Each interviewee exposed to one frame (12 per frame). Semi-standardized guide covered general public/self-image, received image (content recall; thoughts/feelings; plausibility; identification), and broader media portrayals assessment. - Data collection: Face-to-face, 40–80 minutes, audio recorded, consent obtained. - Analysis: Qualitative content analysis (Mayring) using MAXQDA 2020; transcripts summarized, coded, paraphrased, and categorized; iterative category refinement aligned with guide; COREQ reporting. Theoretical saturation indicated after ~27 interviews. Ethics: Informed consent; anonymization; ethics committee indicated formal approval not necessary.

- Frame identification: Three prototypical media frames derived from German news magazines—(1) Age as decline; (2) Age as a (super) power; (3) Age as a new dawn. Quantitative survey (pre–post effects; p<0.001 unless noted): - Overall pattern: Public-image indicators changed more than self-image. Public and self-image diverged depending on frame. - Frame 1 (Age as decline; negative): Self-image improved moderately; public image deteriorated significantly. • Example items: - “Constantly increasing anxiety”: Self-image 3.0→3.3 (d=0.33); Public image 2.3→1.8 (d=0.68) - “Still in charge of your own life”: Self-image 1.8→1.5 (d=0.35); Public image 2.3→2.8 (d=0.86) - “Only interested in yourself”: Self-image 3.5→3.6 (ns at p<0.001); Public image 2.7→2.4 (d=0.47) - Frame 3 (Age as a new dawn; positive): Public image improved considerably; self-image decreased on two items. • Example items: - “Constantly increasing anxiety”: Self-image 2.7→2.4 (d=0.29); Public image 2.2→2.9 (d=0.83) - “Still in charge of your own life”: Self-image 1.6→1.9 (d=0.45); Public image 2.3→1.8 (d=0.50) - “Only interested in yourself”: Self-image 3.2→3.2 (ns); Public image 2.6→2.9 (d=0.35) - Frame 2 (Age as a (super) power): Minimal pre–post changes relative to other frames; some shifts in public image (e.g., “Only interested in yourself” 3.1→2.6; d=0.63), but overall fewer or smaller changes in self-image and public-image alignment. - Reception assessments mirrored qualitative findings: Frame 1 credible/factual/compelling; Frame 3 credible and readable; Frame 2 implausible/exaggerated/provocative. - Intergenerational perceptions: Frame 2 increased feelings that older people’s needs are neglected and that older generations built wealth benefiting younger cohorts, indicating resonance with the staged intergenerational conflict. Qualitative interviews: - Frame 1: Perceived as authentic and emotionally distressing; reactions ranged from agreement to consternation. Little identification with portrayed frailty; some reported feeling comparatively privileged, boosting self-perception (downward comparison). - Frame 2: Viewed as implausible, exaggerated, and confrontational; older participants rejected the portrayal of seniors as parasitic/powerful; no identification. - Frame 3: Initially enjoyable, plausible, and inspiring; upon reflection, many felt unsettled by ‘modern aging’ ideals and reported guilt/insecurity about not meeting portrayed vitality/consumption standards (upward comparison). About half expressed guilt or inadequacy. Synthesis: Negative portrayals triggered downward social comparison (improving self-image but worsening public image). Highly positive portrayals prompted upward comparison (improving public image but lowering self-image).

The studies directly address how older adults react to prototypical media frames of aging and how these frames affect public-image versus self-image indicators. Findings reveal a consistent divergence: Negative portrayals (age as decline) improved self-image via downward comparison while deteriorating public image of older people; positive portrayals (age as a new dawn) improved public image but undermined self-image via upward comparison to idealized ‘best agers’. The confrontational ‘superpower’ frame elicited rejection and highlighted perceived intergenerational tensions but produced fewer attitudinal shifts. These results align with social comparison theory: media frames provide salient standards against which recipients evaluate their own aging (downward comparison to frail portrayals; upward comparison to idealized active seniors). The findings challenge assumptions drawn solely from content analysis by demonstrating that effects on older recipients can be ambivalent and counterintuitive (e.g., positive content can evoke self-doubt). The robustness of effects across demographic subgroups suggests broad potential influence of media frames on attitudes toward aging and intergenerational relations. The work complements prior evidence (e.g., Pinquart 2002; Mares & Cantor 1992) regarding comparison-based processing of age portrayals and underscores the need to account for the interplay of public and self-images in media effects research.

This series of studies identifies three dominant media frames of old age and shows that their effects on older recipients are ambivalent and asymmetric across public-image and self-image domains. Negative portrayals tend to bolster older individuals’ self-image while worsening their views of old age in general, consistent with downward social comparison. Conversely, highly positive portrayals enhance public-image but can erode self-image via upward comparison to idealized ‘best agers’. These results caution against inferring effects from content analysis alone and highlight the importance of considering social comparison processes and the distinct dynamics of public versus self-image. Future research should: (1) examine long-term effects under naturalistic media exposure; (2) include richer, validated multi-item scales for public and self-image; (3) perform individual-level pre–post tracking and model moderating factors (e.g., baseline self-image, mood, motivation); (4) broaden media modalities beyond textual frames; (5) conduct a priori power analyses to optimize sample sizes; and (6) investigate how framing shapes intergenerational attitudes in varied socio-cultural contexts.

- Stimuli were textual frames; other media modalities were not tested. - The design did not capture reception of naturally occurring media exposure in everyday contexts. - Measured effects were short-term; long-term trajectory remains unknown. - Public and self-image changes were assessed with a small number of indicators. - Analyses compared group-level means; no individual-level repeated measures modeling was performed. - The study did not assess differential malleability of public versus self-image relative to pre-existing beliefs. - No a priori power analysis; sample size may have been larger than necessary, potentially inflating effect estimates. - Qualitative analysis could alternatively have employed discourse analytic methods.