Indian Female Twitter Influencers’ Perceptions of Trolls

The paper situates India’s rapid digital growth and persistent gender inequalities within broader socio-economic changes. Despite increased internet penetration, significant gender gaps in mobile internet access remain. Social media has provided space for women’s expression and activism, yet it has also enabled the amplification of misogyny and online abuse, including gendered trolling. Prior reports in India document high prevalence of gender-based online harassment and its multifaceted harms, alongside underreporting. To address the underexplored area of women influencers’ perceptions, the study asks: RQ1: How do online trolls affect Indian women influencers on Twitter? RQ2: What are their perceptions of gender trolling? RQ3: What coping mechanisms do they employ and what impacts do these have on their content and themselves?

The review clarifies trolling as disruptive, antagonistic online behavior aimed at provoking reactions (Hardaker, 2010; Ohanian, 2010; Howard et al., 2018). It outlines forms of trolling, including organized, politically sponsored efforts and varied repertoires (Coles & West, 2016; Udupa, 2017, 2019; DeCook, 2020). Gender trolling is defined as coordinated, sustained harassment targeting women with gendered insults and threats to silence them, rooted in online male entitlement and patriarchal control (Mantilla, 2013, 2016; Dutt, 2017). Experiences parallel sexual violence dynamics, aiming to inflict psychological, reputational, and economic harm (Herring, 2002; Udupa et al., 2019). Distinctions between trolling and cyberbullying are noted (Easter, 2015). In India, digital spaces have not erased gendered hierarchies; online gender trolling reflects patriarchal hegemony, with journalists and women public figures often targeted with rape and death threats, and many victims opting not to report (Gurumurthy et al., 2019; Norris, 2018; Amnesty International, 2020; MediaAvatar’s NewsDesk, 2019). The review also highlights anonymity, politicization, and intersectionality (caste, religion, LGBTQ identities) as salient dimensions.

Design: Feminist narrative analysis to examine Indian women Twitter influencers’ perceptions of gender trolling. Approach: Two-phase exploratory study. Phase 1 (Pilot survey): Convenience and snowball sampling of active Twitter users. Outreach to ~200; 161 participated (47% male, n=76; 53% female, n=85). The survey gathered basic understandings of trolls/trolling, experiences of gendered trolling, and perceptions of severity. Phase 2 (In-depth interviews): From survey participants, researchers contacted 40 women and 12 men influencers; 25 women influencers/micro-influencers consented to interviews (via phone/online call or email). Interviews lasted 45–60 minutes. Participants remained anonymous. Participants: Women aged 25–60 from diverse professions (journalism, media, authors, communications executives, political activists, academics) with considerable Twitter followings and frequent posting. Selection criteria for interviews: Follower counts; frequent engagement on topics (work, socio-political issues, commentary); participation in the survey and consent to interview. Interview focus: Perceived reasons behind trolling; gender bias; relationship to follower count/impact; responses when trolled; discouragement/learning/fear; coping mechanisms. Responses were thematically analyzed into key themes (online misogyny, gender targeting, types of threats, coping strategies, reasons behind trolling, and platform safety).

Survey (n=161):

• 53% female (n=85), 47% male (n=76) active Twitter users.
• Reports of frequent trolling skewed female: 76% for female accounts vs 24% for male accounts (multiple times per week).
• 75% of women (n=64) faced trolls (from abuse/name-calling to threats of death/rape/body harm); 24% of men (n=18) reported trolling.
• Perceived severity: 57% of women (n=48) said trolling equals bullying; 43% (n=37) said it is harsher. Among men, 21% (n=16) saw trolling as harsher than bullying; 79% (n=60) saw no difference.

Interviews with 25 women influencers:

• Online misogyny prevalent: Trolling seen as an extension of offline patriarchy; women face personal slurs (body shaming, character assassination). Some noted even self-identified liberal men launch sexist attacks; women may also troll women, often with harsh language.
• Targeted because of gender: Abuse escalates when women comment on politics/religion or speak on feminism/equality. LGBTQ members also targeted; intersectionality (religion, caste) matters.
• Threat typologies: Name-calling; sexualized insults; doxing/personal details; morphing faces onto pornographic images; threats of rape, bodily harm, and acid attacks; feelings of being “publicly lynched.”
• Coping mechanisms: Predominantly ignore/mute/block; report when threats of rape/bodily harm occur. Many initially engaged but stopped due to emotional drain and prevalence of bots. Some adopt naming-and-shaming strategies. Mental health impacts reported (stress, crying) before developing “thick skin.” Some contemplated leaving Twitter but stayed to preserve agency.
• Platform/political responses desired: Calls for stronger, faster enforcement, especially against repeat offenders and in regional languages; appeals for political leadership to discourage misogynistic trolling. Perception that much trolling is political/organized.
• Perception synthesis: Gender trolling equated with sexual harassment or severe cyberbullying/cyber-violence; anonymity emboldens trolls; Twitter reflects offline gender hierarchies.

Findings indicate that Twitter in India functions as a gendered space mirroring offline patriarchal norms. Women influencers experience trolling that frequently pivots to gendered, sexualized, and personalized attacks, exceeding issue-based disagreement and aiming to silence or drive women out of public discourse. The prevalence of threats (rape, acid attacks, doxing) underscores trolling’s proximity to cyber-violence and sexual harassment, causing psychological and reputational harm and constraining participation. Coping strategies—primarily non-engagement (mute/block/ignore) and selective reporting—reflect attempts to preserve agency while minimizing emotional drain, but they shift the burden onto targets and may reduce the diversity of public discourse. Dissatisfaction with platform response highlights gaps in enforcement, especially across Indian regional languages, and supports calls for a gender lens in platform governance. The political/organized dimensions and intersectional targeting suggest broader socio-political drivers requiring both platform-level and societal interventions.

The study contributes a nuanced account of Indian women Twitter influencers’ perceptions and lived experiences of gender trolling, documenting the types of abuse, its impacts, and common coping strategies. It shows that gender trolling is normalized and mirrors offline misogyny, functioning as a mechanism to police women’s participation in public discourse. Women predominantly adopt non-engagement and reporting to manage abuse, though some pursue naming-and-shaming, all while experiencing significant emotional strain. The findings underscore the need for stronger, multilingual platform moderation and political-institutional efforts to curb organized misogynistic harassment. Future research should expand samples, include men and non-binary influencers comparatively, and conduct cross-platform, mixed-method studies to examine dynamics across social media ecosystems and evaluate the efficacy of platform interventions.

Exploratory design with a relatively small, non-probability sample limits generalizability. Focus on a single platform (Twitter) and women influencers only; findings may not extend to other platforms or populations. Self-reported experiences may be subject to recall or response biases; anonymity precludes verification of some incidents. Future work should adopt mixed-methods, increase sample size and diversity, and conduct cross-platform analyses.