White Americans who perceive themselves to be “last place” in the racial status hierarchy are most drawn to alt-right extremism

The US is experiencing historically high levels of economic inequality, impacting racial groups differently. While white Americans, on average, possess greater wealth than other racial groups, a significant portion feels they are falling behind, both within their own racial group and compared to other racial groups. This perceived relative deprivation, fueled by widening economic disparities and salient race/class stereotypes, may contribute to the rise of right-wing extremism. This study proposes that white Americans who perceive themselves as being in "last place" in the racial status hierarchy—feeling disadvantaged compared to other white people and surpassed by people of color—are more likely to support alt-right ideologies. This is due to a combination of factors: upward social comparisons within their racial group, between-group comparisons with other racial groups, and perceptions of systemic injustice. The research aims to quantify these subjective status perceptions and their correlation with alt-right extremism support, controlling for objective socioeconomic factors.

Existing research demonstrates a growing racial wealth gap in the US, with white families having significantly more wealth than Black families. Despite this average advantage, many white Americans feel left behind economically, impacting their well-being. Studies have shown links between feelings of despondency among white Americans and poor health, but this study explores the potential link to right-wing extremism. Furthermore, the research considers race/class stereotypes which associate whiteness with wealth and minority groups with poverty. This perceived hierarchy, combined with economic inequality, can create a sense of relative deprivation, especially among white Americans who compare themselves upwards within their own racial group and downwards to other racial groups. This perceived threat to status, particularly among non-college-educated white Americans, is hypothesized to be a driver of right-wing extremism.

Two studies were conducted using representative quota sampling of non-Hispanic white Americans. The Pilot Study (N=465) piloted a measure of subjective racial status, which simultaneously assesses perceived racial economic hierarchy and one’s own perceived position within that hierarchy. Study 1 (N=1449) expanded upon this, analyzing the relationship between identified subjective status profiles and support for right-wing extremism. Latent Profile Analysis (LPA) was employed to identify distinct subjective status profiles. Study 1 then used these profiles to predict support for alt-right events, groups, and social movements; support for a right-wing political candidate; and endorsement of alt-right ideologies. Several scales were used to measure these dependent variables. Demographic variables and other measures such as social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) were controlled for. Both studies received IRB approval and were preregistered. Sampling aimed for national representation, oversampling those without a college degree due to theoretical expectations.

LPA identified three distinct subjective status profiles across both studies: "Second Place," "Third Place," and "Last Place." The "Last Place" profile, comprising approximately 11-12% of participants, characterized individuals who perceived themselves as significantly behind other racial groups and even behind other white Americans. In Study 1, MANOVA revealed that subjective status profile significantly predicted support for alt-right outcomes. Specifically, the "Last Place" profile showed significantly higher support for right-wing political candidates, events/groups/movements, and alt-right ideologies compared to the other two profiles. This effect held even after controlling for income, education, age, and gender. Further analyses showed that individuals in the "Last Place" profile exhibited higher levels of white racial identification and social conservatism. The "Last Place" profile also showed unique patterns in how they ranked racial groups on the status scale, often placing all racial groups near the top, and themselves at the bottom.

The findings support the hypothesis that perceived relative deprivation within and between racial groups significantly contributes to alt-right extremism. The "Last Place" profile highlights a specific subset of white Americans who, despite the average advantage of their racial group, feel marginalized and threatened. This perception, rather than objective socioeconomic status, is a key predictor of alt-right support. The high levels of white racial identification within this profile suggest that feelings of group threat may be amplified by strong group identity. The study's contribution lies in demonstrating that subjective perceptions of racial status, driven by economic inequality and existing stereotypes, are critical in understanding the appeal of alt-right extremism.

This research provides compelling evidence linking subjective racial status to alt-right extremism among white Americans. The "Last Place" profile demonstrates that objective measures of socioeconomic status are insufficient to explain this phenomenon; perceived relative deprivation plays a critical role. Future research should explore the long-term consequences of these perceptions and investigate potential interventions to address the underlying feelings of threat and marginalization.

The study's focus on non-Hispanic white Americans limits the generalizability to other racial or ethnic groups. The reliance on self-reported data introduces potential biases, and the cross-sectional design limits causal inferences. Future studies should incorporate longitudinal designs and consider diverse populations to broaden the understanding of this complex relationship.