Language, gender, and patriarchy in Mulan: a diachronic analysis of a Disney Princess movie

The study examines how gender, power, and assigned gender roles are portrayed through language in Disney's Mulan (1998 and 2020). Grounded in concerns about how children's media shape gender perceptions, and amid the rising influence of the Chinese market on American film production, the authors investigate whether and how gendered discourse has shifted across the two versions. They focus on conversational strategies and the content of talk assigned to male-coded and female-coded characters, positing that media dialogue can (re)produce heteronormative, patriarchal norms. Research questions: (1) How are conversational strategies distributed between male-coded and female-coded characters in each version of Mulan, and what does this indicate about power imbalances/heteronormative representations? (2) How are gender and assigned gendered roles construed through male-coded and female-coded talk in each version? (3) Are there noticeable differences between the two versions, and how might these relate to American and Chinese influences? The purpose is to extend gender analyses in children's media from behaviors/traits to language use, offering diachronic insight into potential market and sociopolitical effects on gender representation.

The literature outlines how gender norms are instilled from early childhood through social practices and media. Prior studies show Disney media often perpetuate gender stereotypes: male characters as assertive, adventurous, and powerful; female characters as affectionate, helpful, appearance-focused, and trouble-causing. Some recent works suggest nuanced portrayals and fluctuating stereotypes, including evolving masculinities in Disney/Pixar and superhero media. The review critiques binary notions of masculine/feminine talk, yet notes these constructs remain common in Western media to index identity and heteronormativity. It synthesizes findings on hegemonic masculinity (dominance, heterosexuality, strength) and relational, rapport-oriented strategies linked to feminine discourse, while cautioning that such labels are context-dependent and culturally situated. The gap identified: limited analysis of male-coded and female-coded characters' dialogue in Disney films, and little exploration of how China's growing market influence might reshape gender portrayals in American-made movies.

Research context: Mulan was selected as it departs from the typical Disney Princess rescue/marriage arc and features a heroine moving across male/female spaces, situated in a real-world Chinese context. The 1998 animated film (Mulan-1) and the 2020 live-action remake (Mulan-2) were compared. Casting balance: both films have 10 male-coded speaking roles; female-coded speaking roles: 4 (Mulan-1) and 5 (Mulan-2, reintroducing Mulan's sister). Data collection: Full-length screenplays were sourced (Mulan-1: imsdb.com; Mulan-2: subslikescript.com). The first researcher repeatedly viewed both films, verified transcripts, added speaker labels and transcription symbols (guided by Jefferson, 2004), and segmented transcripts into ~30 scenes each. Transcript sizes: Mulan-1 screenplay 5423 words (movie 1h22m); Mulan-2 screenplay 4309 words (movie 1h45m). Spoken word distributions by gender: Mulan-1 males 4017 words across 367 turns; females 1406 words across 172 turns. Mulan-2 males 2937 words across 213 turns; females 1372 words across 117 turns. Coding and analysis: Using inductive content analysis, segments relevant to RQ1 were open-coded, then categorized into six conversational strategies indexing hegemonic heteronormative discourse: commands/directives, compliments, hedges, minimal responses, questions, and tag questions. Hesitations/pauses were not coded due to scripted/rehearsed nature. For reliability, 20% of data was independently coded by a second trained linguist; Cohen’s kappa indicated excellent agreement: Mulan-1 κ=0.751 (p<0.0005), 95% CI (0.748, 0.753); Mulan-2 κ=0.762 (p<0.001), 95% CI (0.759, 0.765). Counts of strategies by gender were compiled; inductive content analysis then examined how talk indexed power, gendered representations, and societal roles. Cross-film comparisons were interpreted in relation to American and Chinese views on gender and assigned roles.

Conversational turns and talk volume: In both films, male-coded characters have more turns and words, indicating a power imbalance; however, male talk is markedly reduced in Mulan-2 (males: 4017 words/367 turns in Mulan-1; 2937 words/213 turns in Mulan-2). Distribution of strategies (percentages with raw counts): Mulan-1 males: minimal responses 12.87% (30), commands/directives 18.88% (44), questions 31.33% (73), hedges 28.33% (66), compliments 7.30% (17); plus 3 tag questions; total coded items 230. Mulan-1 females: minimal responses 21.87% (21), commands/directives 15.63% (15), questions 31.25% (30), hedges 30.21% (30), compliments 0% (0); plus 1 tag question; total coded items 91. Mulan-2 males: minimal responses 3.60% (6), commands/directives 25.75% (43), questions 33.53% (56), hedges 23.35% (39), compliments 13.77% (23); total coded items 167. Mulan-2 females: minimal responses 3.94% (3), commands/directives 13.16% (10), questions 26.31% (20), hedges 47.37% (36), compliments 7.89% (6); plus 1 tag question; total coded items 75. Questions: Overall most frequent (f=179). In Mulan-1, question use by males and females is similar in percentage; in Mulan-2, males ask a higher share. Functional shifts: Mulan-1 males commonly seek war information (f=11) and confirmation (f=39) (control indexing power). Mulan-2 males still seek information but more often ask for suggestions (f=8). Mulan-1 females ask for help (f=4) or suggestions (f=11) (lower-status moves), whereas Mulan-2 females more often ask for others’ opinions (f=7) and information (f=8), a more controlling question type. Hedges: Second most frequent overall (f=171). Females use more hedges than males in both films, with a sharp rise in Mulan-2 for females (Mulan-1 females 30.21% of strategies; Mulan-2 females 47.37%, the most frequent female strategy). In Mulan-1, supporting female characters use hedges to express confidence about arranged marriages; in Mulan-2, older females continue this, but younger females use hedges to show uncertainty about arranged marriages and to reassure/help males. Commands/directives: Third most frequent (f=112), predominantly used by males in both films, reflecting assigned social power (e.g., generals, emperor). Minimal responses: Fourth most frequent (f=60). In Mulan-1, females proportionally use more (20.87%) than males (12.87), aligning with cooperative/relational talk; in Mulan-2, minimal responses drop markedly for both sexes (females 3.94%, males 3.60), signaling a move away from this marker of “feminine” discourse. Compliments: Lowest frequency overall (f=46), yet more used by males in both films. Mulan-1 male compliments toward females target only Mulan after exceptional feats (f=11). Mulan-2 similarly compliments Mulan for achievements (f=15) and also compliments other females for physical appearance (f=5), a behavior potentially indexing misogyny. Content of talk and roles: The lexeme pair “honor/dishonor” is central (Mulan-1 f=26; Mulan-2 f=18). Strong collocations (Mutual Information, MI≥3): bring (Mulan-1 MI 8.41; Mulan-2 MI 8.38), family (Mulan-1 MI 5.99; Mulan-2 MI 5.27), country (Mulan-1 MI 8.31), fight (Mulan-2 MI 5.47), bride (Mulan-1 MI 6.72), marriage (Mulan-2 MI 8.80). These patterns frame male honor via protecting the nation and female honor via marriage. Female roles are repeatedly constructed as bride-to-be, wife, and mother, often articulated by female characters (e.g., Matchmaker and women’s chorus). Male constructions of ideal women often emphasize whiteness and appearance; in both films, lines valorize pale/white skin. Kitchen/domestic expectations recur (e.g., “I care what she COOKS like”). In Mulan-2, the new theme of chi frames special abilities as male-only; Mulan is told to hide her chi. The term “witch” is used 13 times for Xianniang, despite her warrior prowess, pairing rare praise with pejoration. Differences across films: Mulan-2 shows reduced male talk and fewer domineering strategies, more seeking-help questions by males, decreased minimal responses by both genders, increased female hedging with functional shifts (uncertainty about arranged marriage, reassuring males). Female-coded characters (notably Mulan and Xianniang) display more “masculinized” talk; some males are depicted as needing female help. Despite these shifts, patriarchal framing persists: honor via marriage for women, protective paternalism for men, and dehumanizing language directed at women in key scenes.

Findings indicate that both films reproduce a patriarchal, heteronormative order in dialogue: men occupy powerful social roles and utilize power-indexing strategies (commands, directives, controlling questions, interruptions), while women are framed around domestic roles of bride, wife, and mother, with honor linked to marriage. Compliments toward women occur primarily when Mulan performs as a soldier, suggesting recognition is role-contingent rather than gender-inclusive. Misogynistic language (e.g., repeated use of “witch”) underscores gendered denigration. The diachronic comparison shows Mulan-2 subtly narrows conversational power gaps: male-coded dialogue volume and domineering strategies decrease, and male questions more often seek help; female-coded characters (especially Mulan and Xianniang) adopt more “masculinized” features, and younger women display uncertainty about arranged marriages and provide reassurance to men. Nevertheless, the overarching narrative maintains patriarchal servitude: Mulan’s ultimate alignment with filial piety and family duty (Confucian feminism) tempers her emancipation. Interpretively, these patterns reflect both American shifts toward nuanced gender portrayals and alignment with contemporary Chinese state-promoted gender roles, including valorizing traditional female roles and framing exceptional women through innate “chi,” which risks creating a dichotomy between “special” and “ordinary” women.

The study contributes a language-focused, diachronic analysis of gender representation in Disney’s Mulan, demonstrating that despite subtle shifts toward more nuanced gendered talk in the 2020 version—male “feminization,” female “masculinization,” reduced male conversational dominance—the films’ dialogues continue to reproduce heteronormative, patriarchal roles, with women bringing honor via marriage and men via national protection. By foregrounding chi in Mulan-2, the film empowers exceptional female characters while implying ordinary women should conform to traditional roles, potentially undercutting progressive gains. The analysis suggests American and Chinese sociopolitical influences converge in the newer portrayal. Future research could expand to Chinese-language versions, other remade Disney properties, and multimodal elements (visuals, music, cinematography) to assess how gendered meanings are co-constructed beyond dialogue and across markets.

The study analyzes only one narrative (Mulan), set in China but produced in the U.S., and only the English-language versions, limiting generalizability across languages and cultures. It focuses on verbal dialogue and content of talk, not other meaning-making modalities (e.g., visuals, music, cinematography) or transmedia formats (books, posters). Broader comparative analyses across additional films and languages, or multimodal analyses, were beyond scope.